Tag Archives: Libertarian

One on One Interview: Libertarian Presidential Candidate Adam Kokesh

In this episode of Truth In Media with Ben Swann, Libertarian Presidential candidate Adam Kokesh breaks down his campaign and explains his policies in detail, including peaceful dissolution of the United States Federal Government.

This episode also discusses the high volume of independent and third-party voters who lean toward leadership outside the stronghold of the two-party system, yet powerful political figures continually aim to control the narrative by delegitimizing these candidates who rebuke establishment policies.

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WWE Ex-Champ Glenn “Kane” Jacobs Victorious in GOP Primary for Knox Co. Mayor

The nearly seven-foot-tall, three-hundred-plus pound internationally-renowned WWE pro wrestler and local insurance businessman Glenn “Kane” Jacobs has declared victory in the Republican primary for mayor of Knox Co., Tennessee, the deeply-Republican county seat of Knoxville and home to the University of Tennessee.

According to WATE-TV with 100 percent of precincts reporting, Jacobs narrowly prevailed by a 17-vote lead. While 43 provisional ballots, many of which lack voter registration information, still must be evaluated to determine if they should be counted, the outcome is not expected to change before the official results are announced next week.

The Republican primary was a hard-fought triple-threat match between Jacobs and popular local county commissioners Brad Anders and Bob Thomas. Thomas, a former local radio personality who also appeared in movies like Friday Night Lights, is the father of actor Jake Thomas of the show Lizzie McGuire on the Disney Channel.

24 Wrestling notes that many WWE superstars, including Hulk Hogan, Ric Flair, Titus O’Neil, Natalya, and Goldust took to social media on election day to encourage their fans in the area to vote for Jacobs.

“You better vote for Kane or he’ll hit you with that fire, brother,” joked iconic pro wrestler Hulk Hogan in comments to TMZ. “He’s a sharp guy so I hope he does well there.”

Jacobs is now set to face former Knox Co. Democratic Party chair Linda Haney in the August 2 general election.

The libertarian-leaning Republican Jacobs, a friend and supporter of former Texas U.S. Congressman Ron Paul and current U.S. Senator from Kentucky Rand Paul, evoked Reagan to describe his leadership style on his campaign website.

Jacobs told Fox News, “Knox County, Tennessee is a great place to live, work and raise a family. And I just want it to see it become even better. And I think that I can have a small part in doing that… But, really, it’s — the motto of my campaign was together we win. And I really believe that I can hopefully bring all of us in our community, in Knox County, together to build an even better place.”

He added, “I think, as Republicans, we have to stick by what we believe in. And that is fiscal conservatism and individual freedom. And I think what happens is when Republicans get into positions of power, they forget about that. And in many cases, they become part of the problem.”

Jacobs most popular in-ring wrestling persona is the masked Kane, the Undertaker’s deranged pyromaniac half-brother. Kane is a 3-time world champion, 16-time tag-team champion, 2-time intercontinental champion, Money in the Bank winner, and a Grand Slam champion. Jacobs holds the most eliminations in Royal Rumble matches and also has appeared in more pay-per-view matches than any wrestler in WWE history.

Jacobs’ Democratic opponent Linda Haney said, describing her campaign approach, “I know they’ll probably think I’m a fly on the wall, and I plan to be a very vocal fly. And I plan to really work hard and gain the trust of the people of Knox County.”

USA Today: Nearly Two Thirds of Americans Have Given Up On Political Parties

(IVN) Many Americans will be staying out of the voting booth for the 2018 elections, disillusioned by the promises of politicians and convinced that the political system is irreparably corrupt.

At least that’s what respondents told poll takers at USA Today and Suffolk University in a recent survey:

“Nearly two-thirds of adult U.S. citizens will stay away from the polls during the coming midterm elections, and they say they have given up on the political parties and a system that they say is beyond reform and repair…

A majority of those non-voters would like to see a third party or multiple parties.”

As the Huffington Post notes: “The poll surveyed Americans who aren’t registered to vote or who are registered but say they’re unlikely to cast a ballot. Combined, the two groups include more than 100 million adults, the pollsters note.”

68 percent of independent voters and party registered voters who say they are unlikely to vote this year agreed with the statement: “I don’t pay much attention to politics because it is so corrupt.” It’s a marked increase over the 54 percent of respondents who agreed to this characterization of politics in the 2012 survey.

And 63 percent of respondents in these categories agreed or strongly agreed with the statement: “I don’t pay much attention to politics because nothing ever gets done – it’s a bunch of empty promises,” which is also up from the 59 percent who said the same nearly six years ago.

In bad news for political parties like the DNC and RNC, faith in parties is on the wane. Only 22 percent of respondents said the Democratic and Republican parties do a good job of representing Americans’ political views, which is down from 32 percent when the question was asked in 2012.

57 percent of respondents also said a third party or multiple political parties is necessary, up from the 53 percent who said so just before Obama was reelected to his second term.

A light majority, at 55 percent, of those respondents who said they will be sitting out this election hold an unfavorable view of Donald Trump and are dissatisfied with his record in office.

It’s a tale as old as American democracy. Midterm turnout is always lower than in presidential election years. Those who vote are also more likely to be educated and more likely to be white.

Historically the party in the White House usually loses seats to the opposition party in Congress during midterms, a pressure valve for dissatisfaction with the ruling administration.

As NBC News notes: “In every midterm election since the Civil War, the president’s party has lost, on average, 32 seats in the House and two in the Senate.”

With only 24 seats net gain in the House and 2 in the Senate, the Democratic Party could flip both Houses from the red team to the blue team in 2018, which makes it an exciting election to watch.

But with deep disillusionment over politics crossing party lines and an increasing number of anti-Trump voters planning to sit this one out, it’s quite possible a Democratic coup in November may just fizzle out. Trump would call the electorate “low energy.”

 

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This article was republished with permission from IVN.

Libertarian Candidate for US Senate Seeking to Arm the Homeless

Ann Arbor, MI – A Michigan candidate for US Senate, Brian Ellison, who is expected to be the Libertarian party’s candidate in the November midterm election, set his sights on raising at least $10,000 to buy 20 pump-action shotguns and provide training for homeless people. Ellison is calling his fundraising campaign “Arm the Homeless,” and the drive has already made international news.

Saying that homeless people are “constantly victims of violent crime,” Ellison believes that providing the homeless with firearms to defend themselves would serve to act as a deterrent.

A 2014 study, entitled Violence and Victims, highlights the disparity in violent victimization of homeless individuals versus the general population:

Individuals who are homeless have an increased risk of experiencing myriad social problems including victimization and violence. The prevalence of violent victimization in the homeless population has been estimated to range from 14% to 21% and approximately one-third report having witnessed a physical attack on another person who was homeless. This rate of violence is highly disparate when compared to the general population in which only 2% report experiencing a violent crime.

When Ellison was asked by Michigan Radio if he trusted the homeless people with guns, he questioned why there was judgement and bias against homeless people.

“I don’t know why the homeless are viewed as such a different type of people as the rest of us. I carry a gun with me all the time, and I don’t victimize anyone. I wouldn’t expect that the homeless would use their weapons to fight off the police who are asking them to leave. I think the homeless would use their weapons to protect themselves from being victims of violent crimes,” he said.

“Not only are the homeless constantly under threat from would-be criminals,” said Ellison, “but they are also under threat from governments at various levels that criminalize activities that homeless people rely on for survival.”

Ellison, a veteran who served in Iraq, told The Guardian that he decided to run for office “just to try and make a difference.” While he admitted that his “Arm the Homeless” campaign has shock value— meant to bring attention to his campaign— Ellison said he believes that as a third-party candidate going up against well-funded Democratic and Republican opponents, shock value is necessary to break the media marginalization of third-party candidates. And while the shock value gets publicity, he said the true intent of the campaign is to bring more attention to the high rates of violence experienced by homeless individuals and their dehumanization.

When asked by The Guardian, as to whether he thought his plan was dangerous, Ellison responded with a question of his own.

“Well, are you worried about the police being armed with military weapons?” he asked. “I am. The world we live in is a scary world, where the police who used to dress in short-sleeved shirts and carry a revolver now have long rifles with scopes and bulletproof vests and armoured vehicles.”

“And quite frankly that scares me much more than a homeless person trying to defend themselves with a shotgun,” he said.

Ellison noted that he would aim to “pre-qualify” homeless individuals wanting to receive one of the shotguns, and that no one would be forced to carry pump-action a firearm.

“The first thing that we’re gonna do is ask them if they think this is something that would benefit them. We’re certainly not trying to force anything on anybody,” Ellison said.

In addition, Ellison told Vice that “the idea is to go around and pre-qualify people who we think will meet the criteria by simply having a conversation with them and trying to get a feeling of who they are, whether or not they seem like they’re stable, seeing if they have an ID and if they’d pass a background check.”

On his fundraising page, Ellison pointed out that case law provides that police have no duty to protect individuals and highlighted the recent school shooting in Parkland as an example.

How long can we as a society sit back and allow peaceful citizens of this great country to be targeted for those that view them as weak targets? According to case law in the decision of Warren v. District of Columbia, the police do not owe a specific duty to provide police services to citizens. What this means is that as individuals we can not count on the police to protect us, as they are under no obligation to do so. We saw this recently in the Parkland shooting when Broward County Sheriff Deputies stood outside while a gunman killed 17 students and teachers. I believe it is time we take a stand against the injustice and victimization of the homeless.

Although Ellison originally felt giving away handguns would be ideal, he settled on pump-shotguns.

“Frankly I think the ideal weapon would be a pistol,” he told the Guardian, “but due to the licensing requirements in the state we’re going to have a hard enough time getting homeless people shotguns as it is.”

Dave Navarro Says He ‘Is a Libertarian,’ Does Not Fit into GOP, Democrat Molds

In an interview that aired Wednesday on Kennedy on Fox Business Network, Jane’s Addiction guitarist Dave Navarro said that he does not fit into America’s two-party political system and that he identifies as a libertarian.

I did an ‘Ask Me Anything’ on Twitter and someone asked me if I was a Democrat or Republican, and I said that I’m a Libertarian,” Navarro said.

https://twitter.com/DaveNavarro/status/705461613168500738?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw

Primarily because I found that there were two paths that I was looking at, and I didn’t really fit into either one of those paths, and so I needed an alternative, because my political viewpoint takes a cue from different parties and different schools of thought. And not all of one applies to me. And I think that there’s a lot of people that that’s true for,” he added.

[RELATED: Jesse Hughes: Bataclan Security ‘Had a Reason Not to Show Up’ on Day of Paris Attacks]

Specifically, he said that his views on social issues are “not necessarily that of the Republican Party” and that his views on financial issues “aren’t the same as the Democratic Party.

I had to find a middle ground, as it were. I feel pretty comfortable where I’m at,” he said.

Navarro praised California’s open primary system for allowing him to weigh in on primary elections despite being a libertarian-leaning independent.

[RELATED: Eagles of Death Metal Vocalist Says Gun Control Did Not Save Lives in Paris Attacks]

Speaking on the 2016 presidential election, Navarro said, “If you look at the frontrunners, I feel like I’m not voting for somebody, I’m voting against somebody, and that’s a really uncomfortable place to be as a voter.

He said that GOP frontrunner Donald Trump and Democratic frontrunner Hillary Clinton “are both polarizing for so many different reasons.

Cautioning that the primary elections are still ongoing and that their outcomes are not set in stone, Navarro explained that a Trump vs. Clinton general election contest presents a difficult decision for him.

I just heard Hillary earlier today speaking in vocabulary that was just as scary on the left as Trump speaks on the right, and I don’t know exactly what I’m going to do,” he said.

Follow Barry Donegan on Facebook and Twitter.

Judge Opens the Door for Third Party Candidates in Georgia

On March 18, U.S. District judge Richard Story struck down part of Georgia’s stringent ballot access law requiring third party candidates to collect an enormous number of signatures to appear on the ballot, ruling it unconstitutional.

Under old law, parties not recognized by the state of Georgia were required to collect signatures from 1 percent of eligible registered voters to get on the statewide ballot, equating to over 50,000 signatures. Now candidates only need to collect 7,500 signatures.

Georgia’s previous ballot access requirement narrowed voters’ choices for their presidential candidate, but now the future for third parties is looking brighter in the Peach State.

In 1972, Congressman John G. Schmitz, the American Independent Party presidential candidate that year who got over 1,100,000 votes nationwide, did not qualify to be on the Georgia ballot. In 1976, former Georgia Governor Lester Maddox, who ran as the American Independent Party presidential candidate, couldn’t get on the ballot in his own state.

Ralph Nader, who was the Green Party nominee in 1996 and 2000 and an Independent nominee in 2004 and 2008, was never on the ballot in Georgia, even though he placed third in 2000, 2004, and 2008.

But now one hindrance to ballot access in Georgia has been lessened this election cycle.

“This is a huge victory for Georgia voters who wish to vote for minor party or independent candidates for president,” said Richard Winger from Ballot Access News. “The decision is important for the 2016 race, because when one compares the easier requirements to get on the ballot for president in each state (minor party or independent), Georgia required the 3rd highest number of signatures.  Only North Carolina and California required more. The Texas minor party petition was a slightly smaller number of signatures.”

The ruling may be an opportunity for those in the #NeverTrump movement who are flirting with the idea of running a third party candidate against GOP frontrunner Donald Trump.

Georgia attorney and RNC rules committee member Randy Evans told Daily Report that the court’s ruling is “particularly noteworthy given that it comes at a time when institutional powerbrokers are meeting in Washington, D.C., to discuss the creation of another party should Donald Trump become the GOP nominee.”

Nicholas Sarwark, the chairman of the Libertarian National Committee which is the executive body of the Libertarian Party, told Truth In Media’s Joshua Cook, “While the Libertarian Party already has ballot access in Georgia, we applaud Judge Story’s ruling striking down Georgia’s unconstitutionally high ballot access requirements. For 45 years, we’ve been fighting to give Americans a real political choice, while Republicans and Democrats have put up these barriers to competition to try to stop us. The real winners in this ruling are the people of Georgia who will have more political choice on their ballot.”

A 2015 Consider This video from Truth In Media highlighted the fact that the Republican and Democrat parties no longer represent the majority in the U.S.

R's and D's No Longer Majority

Republicans and Democrats are no longer the majority.Learn more: http://bit.ly/1Kdbdqm

Posted by Truth In Media on Saturday, July 18, 2015

Poll: Who Do You Support For The Libertarian Nomination?

Jeffrey Tucker on American History, Trump, Sanders, and Liberty

Truth In Media’s Joshua Cook interviewed Fee.org’s Jeffrey Tucker about a variety of issues including presidential candidates Donald Trump and Bernie Sanders, the Trans-Pacific Partnership, economics, and more.

“What you’ve got going on here in this election season is people are really digging deep into this sort of muck of our history to find some of the worst that the 20th century offered,” said Tucker. Tucker noted that following the Great Depression, “everyone was convinced that freedom had failed.”

Cook asked Tucker where liberty activists can be the most effective.

“The first thing I would say is get rid of your illusions about politics. Anybody who thinks that politics is going to save the world will be disappointed. We will not get our rights when the government gives them to us,” said Tucker.

“The way is to start focusing on finding ways in your own life to live a freer life,” Tucker added.

Watch and listen to the interview in the video above.

Jeffrey Tucker is a distinguished fellow at the Foundation for Economic Education.

Johnson: Fiscally Conservative, Socially Tolerant Voters Alienated by Iowa Results

Former two-term New Mexico Republican Governor Gary Johnson, who is seeking the Libertarian Party’s nomination for president in 2016, issued a statement on the results of the Democratic and Republican presidential caucuses in Iowa on Monday.

To no one’s surprise, the Republican who emerged from the Iowa Caucuses did so under a banner of social intolerance and carpet bombing,” said Johnson of GOP winner and U.S. Senator from Texas Ted Cruz.

On the Democratic side, former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton narrowly beat U.S. Senator from Vermont Bernie Sanders. “Just as predictably, the Democrats endorsed a candidate who has never seen a federal program, regulation or expenditure she doesn’t like,” added Johnson.

[RELATED: DONEGAN: If GOP Debate Stage Can Fit 11, Let Third Parties In General Election Debates]

Johnson opined that the outcome of the caucuses show that Democrats and Republicans “are not going to nominate a candidate who represents the real majority in America – independents who are fed up with the partisan dance that has given us a $20 trillion debt, endless war and a government intent on eroding the very liberties it is supposed to be preserving.

The libertarian-leaning candidate on the GOP side in the 2016 race, Sen. Rand Paul, fell short of expectations with his fifth-place finish in Iowa, causing him to suspend his campaign on Wednesday.

The pundits have become fond of talking about ‘lanes’ to electoral success. Where is the lane for the millions of Americans who are fundamentally conservative when it comes to the size and cost of government, but just as fundamentally tolerant when it comes to individual and civil liberties?” asked Johnson.

[RELATED: Gary Johnson Responds to President Obama’s State of the Union Address]

Johnson’s comments come just as pundits are beginning to wonder whether the support base that had been backing Sen. Paul will shift to another GOP primary candidate or an independent.

Where that support will go is hard to predict, because Paul isn’t ideologically aligned with any of the [GOP] frontrunners,wrote The Charlotte Observer’s Peter St. Onge.

According to The Associated Press, Florida U.S. Sen. Marco Rubio says he plans to attempt to win over Rand Paul’s supporters. Ohio Gov. John Kasich told ABC News on Wednesday that he believes he has a chance to capture some of Paul’s support base.

A July 2015 Truth in Media Consider This video highlights the fact that independent voters now outnumber Republicans and Democrats. Watch it in the below-embedded video player.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Uf26DKntwzM

For more 2016 election coverage, click here.

Libertarian Chair on Top-Two Primary: ‘We Are Better With It Than Without It’

By Gabriel Saint Cyr – Washington Libertarian Party (LPWA) Chairman C. Michael Pickens believes that the nonpartisan, top-two primary is the best system in the country to get Libertarians elected to office. Pickens cites recent successes party candidates have had in Washington state to make his point.

In most states, the primary process is dominated by political parties. Primary voters participate in taxpayer-funded primary elections where candidates are chosen to represent private political parties in the general election.

However, Washington state uses a nonpartisan, top-two primary similar to California. All candidates and voters participate on a single primary ballot and the top two vote-getters, regardless of party preference, move on to the general election.

In an interview for IVN, Pickens discussed the impact the nonpartisan system has had on the LPWA since it was first implemented in 2008, along with his optimism for the future.

According to Pickens, Libertarian leaders in Washington initially interpreted the top-two system as an effort to stifle the influence of third parties. However, he sees top two differently.

He explained that under more traditional partisan systems, Republican candidates typically attack Libertarian candidates, because if there is a Republican, a Democrat, and a Libertarian on the general election ballot, Republicans will accuse the Libertarian of siphoning votes from the GOP.

“They’re all going to the general election so the votes are being split,” Pickens said.

He argues that general election voters are essentially forced to choose between voting for their preferred candidate and voting for someone else strategically to avoid a worst-case scenario.

“In Washington state (under top two), one of the strategies we use is we tell people they can vote their conscience in the primary,” Pickens said. “It is actually a benefit for us because people can vote the way they want in the primary.”

He further explained that as an added bonus, a third-party candidate no longer has to clear the staggering hurdle of placing first in a general election against a Democrat, a Republican, and perhaps others. Now, a second place finish in the primary is good enough to move on to a contest against just one opponent.

These benefits are not just theoretical, either. Pickens said that after the LPWA shifted its focus in how it recruited candidates and running solid campaigns, the party ran 12 candidates in 2014, 8 of whom made it to the general election. The elections resulted in the highest vote totals in LPWA history.

In 2015, the party fielded 17 candidates, 5 of whom won in local races. The LPWA more than doubled its elected representation from 4 to 9.

“Now we have 23 candidates lined up to run right now that are confirmed and I think 9 potential candidates,” Pickens added.

While minor party challenges to top two have diminished in Washington state, they still exist in California, where some party leaders have encouraged their members not to vote in the general election in some races out of protest against the nonpartisan system.

Opponents of top two argue that it diminishes voter choice, restricting options available to voters in the general election when the most people historically participate. With limited voter support, third parties have a tough hurdle to clear to get to the November election under top two.

In response, Pickens says that party leaders should spend less time squabbling over procedure and more time where it counts – campaigning and getting people to the polls.

“The bottom line is third parties have to go to work,” he said. “If we can’t get second place in a primary, we’re never going to be able to get first place in the general.”

For Pickens, this means going door-to-door, putting up door hangers, and other traditional forms of advertising and campaigning that he says is working for the party now that they have built up a solid infrastructure in the state.

Pickens says there are alternative voting methods and election systems that he would prefer, such as ranked-choice voting and the use of multi-member districts with proportional representation. However, he says top-two is an improvement from what Washington state used to have and was even one of his motivations to move to the state.

“I think we have the best system in the country to get Libertarians elected,” Pickens concluded. “If we can get a Libertarian elected to state office, we can actually do a whole lot more around the country, because that will give other people permission, and motivation, and inspiration that maybe they can do that in their state.”

 

This article was republished with permission from IVN.

Republican Gov. Ducey Appoints Libertarian to Arizona Supreme Court

Arizona Republican Governor Doug Ducey announced on Wednesday that he has appointed politically-independent Phoenix attorney Clint Bolick to the Arizona Supreme Court.

Bolick, who co-founded the Institute for Justice and who has held the position of vice president for litigation at the Goldwater Institute since 2007, once mounted an unsuccessful campaign for a California General Assembly seat under the Libertarian Party’s banner in 1980.

Gov. Ducey said in a statement on the appointment, “Clint is nationally renowned and respected as a constitutional law scholar and as a champion of liberty. He brings extensive experience and expertise, an unwavering regard for the rule of law and a firm commitment to the state and citizens of Arizona. I’m confident Clint will serve impartially and honorably in this important role.

[RELATED: Former N.M. Gov. Gary Johnson Launches Bid for Libertarian Presidential Nomination]

Bolick told The Arizona Republic that he “will not shy away from very vigorously enforcing the precious liberties that are contained in the Constitution.

Reason’s Damon Root wrote, “It’s no exaggeration to describe Clint Bolick as one of the central figures behind the rise and success of today’s libertarian legal movement. Bolick’s legal theories and litigation strategies—some of which were crafted decades ago—are used in courtrooms around the country. His training and mentoring of numerous young lawyers, meanwhile, including top litigators who now work at places like the Institute for Justice, the Goldwater Institute, and the Pacific Legal Foundation, pays dividends with every legal victory. When it comes to libertarian legal activism, Bolick’s fingerprints are everywhere.

[RELATED: DONEGAN: If GOP Debate Stage Can Fit 11, Let Third Parties In General Election Debates]

A video of Bolick’s swearing-in ceremony was posted to Gov. Dusey’s Twitter account on Wednesday.

Gov. Dusey’s appointment marks the first time in history that an independent has been appointed to the Arizona Supreme Court and the second time that a governor has appointed someone from a different political party. Bolick is Gov. Dusey’s first appointment to the Arizona Supreme Court since he has taken office.

According to The Washington Post, Bolick will stand for a retention election in two years, and, if he prevails, he will face continuing retention elections every six years.

John McAfee Will Seek Libertarian Party Nomination for President

In a recent interview with USA Today, presidential candidate John McAfee announced that he would seek the Libertarian Party nomination.

In early September, the antivirus software pioneer and adventurer announced his presidential candidacy and the creation of a new political party. McAfee said the “Cyber Party” would bring “Privacy, Freedom and Prosperity” to America.

McAfee now says he will put “boots on the ground” by working with the Libertarian Party.

“They have [10] candidates [for president], none of whom have personality,” he told USA Today in a phone interview. McAfee also said on Tuesday he was contacted by a representative from the Libertarian Party and discussed representing the party. The Libertarian Party’s national convention is in May in Orlando, Florida.

Doug Craig, a national board member of the Libertarian Party, told USA Today that McAfee speaks on a number of issues important to the Libertarian Party. “He fits right in with our political philosophy,” Craig said.

Just days before his latest announcement, John McAfee released an open letter to the other presidential candidates.

“We are very rapidly moving toward an unprecedented and existential election for our nation’s next president. America has never faced challenges such as it does now,” McAfee wrote. “The threat level in our world is at a peak; trust in government is at an all-time low. The People are dissatisfied, and we are worried. And as during all such times in human history, we are looking to our leaders for answers.”

McAfee also criticized politicians for fighting to gain or maintain power rather than serving the will of the people.

“How can any of us be expected to focus solely on the needs of the American People in the true spirit of service if we are distracted by the problem of retaining power? That is why I pledge to the American People that, if elected, I will not seek a second term.”

McAfee goes on to say that he will be a “a servant leader” and a “president who will set to work immediately, unencumbered by considerations of winning re-election.”

McAfee, perhaps best known for creating the McAfee antivirus software, is clearly not worried about what the media or political pundits say about his radical ideas. The seventy-year old adventurer is no stranger to controversy.

He was once connected to a murder in Belize which led him to flee into the jungles of Central America, though he no longer stands accused of anything. He is also known for creating apps and promoting the benefits of yoga.

Truth in Media’s Derrick Broze recently spoke with John McAfee about the core issues of his campaign, his thoughts on the other candidates, the incident in Belize, and much more. Please watch the interview below to learn more about why John McAfee is running for president.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MxzLzGfBMac

 

Threatening Libertarianism

As the host of my own radio show, I have the privilege of discussing important matters with some of the most wonderful minds – and people – in the country.

One of my favorite interviews – and certainly one of the most important for the future of our country – is my first with Jeffrey Tucker.

If you are of a pro-liberty persuasion, in particular, I invite you to make a cup of coffee, sit back, and enjoy this very incisive discussion…

(In case you’re wondering, the double-meaning in the title is entirely intentional.)

-Interview audio is below.-

ROBIN KOERNER: Welcome to one of the most exciting editions of Blue Republican Radio for the liberty-curious. This is me, Robin Koerner, the original Blue Republican, and today I have an extremely special guest. I don’t want to offend anybody else that I’ve spoken to, but maybe the most special guest so far. Some of you may know him as a publisher for the liberty movement. Some of you may know him as a fellow at the Foundation for Economic Education. Some may know him as a scholar at the Mackinac Center for Public Policy. Others, as a faculty member at Acton University; and certainly some of you may know him for his days as VP at the Ludwig von Mises Institute. Others may just know him as the Libertarian who looks better than any of us in a bow tie. Jeffrey Tucker, welcome to Blue Republican Radio! How are you?

JEFFREY TUCKER: I am just great, and I’m just thrilled that you gave me a call and suggested I come on the show. I’m super excited about this interview! You seem like you’re asking the right questions, and I hope we can sort of dig into these topics.

ROBIN: Excellent. Just for my listeners—I should tell them that you and I spoke for about just 10 minutes yesterday, and the one reason I wanted to get you on this show now was because of an article that you wrote that came out last month that I would like to talk about at length. As you just said, I’m asking the right questions, and I think you’re giving some of the right answers in this article. The title of the article that was posted at The Freeman (Foundation for Economic Education) was simply, “Against Libertarian Brutalism.” You and I don’t know each other—save for our 10-minute conversation yesterday—but I think, in some ways, our approach to Libertarianism might be cut from the same cloth, even though you suggested that maybe your politics are somewhat more radical than mine. That’s not really what matters here. What’s the thesis, Jeffrey, of this fantastic article that you wrote, “Against Libertarian Brutalism”?

JEFFREY: To explain the piece, I’ll have to give a just a bit of background. There has been a brand of Libertarian rhetoric that had been bothering me for several years, and I couldn’t really put my finger on what it was. It seemed excessively reductionist. I don’t mind a hard edge but it seemed to be exclusively interested in a narrow range of issues that sort of artificially truncate the sole vision of liberty. The idea of liberty [encompasses] the whole of civilization and the whole of human life in all of its complexity, its beauty, its spontaneity, and its magnificence. There’s a brand of Libertarianism that has sort of a certainty about a narrow range of issues that are emphasized to the exclusion of everything else. I knew it sort of bothered me, but I couldn’t put my finger on what it was.

Then I ran across this architectural school that was sort of alive in the 1950s and the 1970s called “brutalism,” and it’s a very interesting view that comes out as an aggressive stance against making buildings beautiful, aesthetically pleasing, or marketable, or appealing—curbside appeal is out. Instead, buildings should be purely functional and it’s wrong and sinful in some way to add anything to a building other than its pure function. All accoutrements are gone; all history is robbed from it. There’s kind of a strange primitivism associated with brutalist architecture. When I read about brutalism and architecture, I thought: “Hey, there are some brands of ideological brutalism out there, and they may come from the left and the right.” But I began to notice that there is a kind of Libertarian brutalism that does exactly this. It just focuses on, for example—like a truth pencil—like the non-aggression principle, the idea that you should not aggress against person or property. It reduces that to a very narrow range of considerations and then expands from that narrow range out to a series of issues to the exclusion of every other consideration. So you get kind of a strange being, a kind of a weird-looking ideology that is actually unappealing, unbeautiful, and doesn’t allow room, for example, for experimentation, for error, for spontaneity, for play, for wider theoretical investigation because it’s so sure of itself. If you look at the brutalist school of architecture, one thing you will find is that is catechetically dogmatic.

ROBIN: That was the first word that I wanted to throw at you: “dogmatic.” There’s a sense in which brutalism seems maybe to depend on dogmatism? It certainly corresponds to an epistemic dogmatism.

JEFFREY: It’s a narrow dogma, right? It’s a sort of sure-footedness on one or two principles, and it’s not curious about anything else. It’s not curious about any other inundations, elaborations, special considerations—considerations of aesthetics, of history, of peculiarities of time and place. It’s uninterested in letting systems sort of evolve since all answers are already known. This kind of brutalist dogmatism is not interested in research; it’s not interested in letting things flower and grow in any kind of spontaneous way. This is a problem for Libertarianism because the essence of human liberty is precisely that it permits the widest possible range within the sphere of human action for play, experimentation, spontaneity, circumstances, time and place, and the organic growth of institutions – precisely because we don’t know all the answers. [That] is why we need human liberty – because liberty allows us to discover and gradually evolve.

But a brutalist form of Libertarianism would presume that we know already exactly how the world is going to work, and we’re going to shove it down everybody’s throat and make it that way. Now this is a threat to people. Why should anybody be threatened by Libertarianism, right? It’s not a threatening ideology. It just basically says that you should be free as long as you don’t hurt other people: just do what you want. That is not threatening ideology. So why does Libertarianism threaten so many people? I think a lot of it has to do with this sort of brutalistic approach that you see popping up here and there.

People would demand to know really who are the brutalists, “give me one example.” Well, the point was not to point to any particular thinkers but to point to a style of thought, a sort of an archetype that variously appears in the course of rhetoric over politics. I want to identify that mental – that intellectual – tendency, and warn against it and essentially say that brutalism is un-Libertarian really precisely because it doesn’t allow for the free experimentation – intellectually, ideologically, or in the real world.

ROBIN: It’s as if there are some people who believe in, or purport to believe in, a philosophy that celebrates the freedom to behave and to think as one wants, but you’re not allowed to apply that freedom to your thoughts about liberty itself or how to achieve liberty. It’s kind of self-falsifying.

JEFFREY: It’s very interesting. There are really many tendencies within the Libertarian world. I mean, you have some people that just want to let, for example, the legal order play itself out and let juridical history sort of inform the way we deal with issues like restitution, punishment in the cases of crimes. That’s just one example of many. There’s another form of Libertarianism that already presumes that it knows the answers to all questions, and all we really need to do is sort of sit in armchair with an armful of postulates and spin out all truths from there – regardless of what happens to be going on outside the window. I think that this is one reason why people find Libertarianism strange and alien to the human experience, and – we have to face it – people do find. People are sometimes alarmed when they hear Libertarians talk. I think that this is very reason; it’s this sort of brutalistic non-interest in the facilities of human life. This is why I warned against it. The article just exploded. I wrote this, by the way, Robin, as not so much a public article; I wrote it as a private study to myself. I wanted to figure it out. That’s why the article has the tone that it has – this is sort of careful, step-by-step approach. I wrote it as a memo to myself because I wanted to figure it out.

ROBIN: I get it. Some of the best articles are written that way.

JEFFREY: I sent to a few friends, and they said, “My god, this is extremely revealing. You can’t go another day without publishing it.” So reckless and dangerous as I tend to be, I just pushed “submit” and that was it.

ROBIN: I’m so glad you did because I think it’s one of the best and most important articles that have been written in a while for the Liberty Movement vis-à-vis actually having some success making our views mainstream. We’re going into the break, Jeffrey, we’re gonna just carry straight on when we come back.

[Break]

ROBIN: Welcome back to Blue Republican Radio where I am speaking with Jeffrey Tucker. Jeffrey; we were talking about this wonderful article that you put out recently, “Against Libertarian Brutalism.” And we were talking about dogmatism: this sense of there is nothing left for us to learn because as these pure Libertarians, we have found the answers, so we don’t really need to look for circumstances in the world where our dogma may not easily fit. We don’t have to worry about it because our principles give us everything we know. It strikes me that it’s a very unscientific approach to knowledge. Science advances, for example, by having the humility to know that it never has arrived at absolute truth. It gets closer and closer to it by being aware that its approach to it is always asymptotic, right? I think maybe we need a bit of that in our politics as Libertarians.

JEFFREY: This is absolutely true. This is again characteristic of the brutalist architectural movement – they already knew exactly what a building should look like. There’s never any question in their minds about experimentation or anything.

ROBIN: Most of the brutalist buildings would be associated with the Soviet era – the 50s, 60s, 70s, right?

JEFFREY: Well, sure, but you can find them everywhere. It was very interesting — I was just in Atlanta, and there were two buildings next door each other. One was kind of an AT&T building, built in the time when AT&T was kind of a government monopoly and it’s an absolutely brutalist structure. The building right next to it was kind of an investment bank and some other things. Most of them were very, very tall. The AT&T building was brutalist, hard to look at, very ugly, and uneventful. The one next to it was absolutely elegant, aspirational, and it just absolutely inspired you to look at it. I think there is an ideological component here: we have to aspire as thinkers about politics, economics and the rest of it to have that sort of aspirational tone and approach. We have to look to building things within our minds that are actually vast, marketable, and more in touch with the human experience than just a narrow range of principles that we forever spin out and apply to all things and all times.

ROBIN: You contrast this ideological brutalism with humanitarianism, or, rather, brutalist Libertarianism vs. humanitarian Libertarianism.

JEFFREY: Yes.

ROBIN: Talk a little about that and just unpack whether you’re trying to talk up a certain flavor of the Libertarian ideology or whether you’re focused on the way one holds whatever flavor of Libertarian ideology one may maintain.

JEFFERY: I don’t think it’s just merely a matter of rhetoric or even marketing. There is so much confusion. It’s interesting how much commentary this article has generated. So many people were accusing me of saying things that I didn’t actually say. I’m not just talking about a matter of marketing here, you know, how we present our message – although that is part of it. Brutalism doesn’t care in the slightest bit what people think. You get this with Libertarians all the time: they’ll just sort of assert things in internet memes and their own rhetoric—no matter how implausible it may be—and they’re self-satisfied [because] they were able to come to this dogmatically true position, assert it, and reward themselves for their bravery in that respect. This goes on all the time. Anyway, it’s not just merely a matter of marketing; it’s a matter of the style of thought. This is why I wanted to talk about humanitarian Libertarianism. We have to remember that ultimately the purpose of liberty is to serve life itself and to serve real people in their real lives. If we can’t come up with an intellectual apparatus that seems to actually encourage this idea of human flourishing and make humanity better off than it would otherwise be, we’ve got a serious problem. That’s where we’re going to come off as threatening. It would just be a terrible thing if Libertarianism became an alternative central plan, you know? “We’ve got better plans than your plans.” That’s not the idea.

ROBIN: Right. Absolutely! There’s a sense in which it has to be like that if it is not a paradigm that is responsive to the environment in which it is applied, right? If something is not being responsive to where it’s being applied, then it is just being imposed – by definition.

JEFFREY: That’s right. The fact is that the vast majority of human life consists of various contingencies on time and place, on technologies, and things that cannot be known or understood with a purely abstract option. That’s sort of timeless and takes no account of situations. So, if we have a sort of Libertarianism that is just really uninterested in the exigencies of technology, time and place, human choice, culture, and all of these kinds of things…. [then] it is essentially something that’s very primitive, artificial, and might be actually fundamentally threatening.

ROBIN: Are you making an argument for consequentialist politics, consequentialist Libertarianism as opposed to “deontological”? It kind of sounds that way, right? If we’re talking about being responsive, again, to the environment in which we’re applying our principles… everything you’re saying is essentially consequentialist.

JEFFREY: I’ve had people ask me this; I don’t like to say that. I must tell you that I’ve never really seen much contradiction between, for example, believing in fundamental human rights and believing that the consequences of your intellectual endeavors and of social order matter just as much as individual human rights. They don’t seem apart for me. I do think that a rights-based paradigm that does not pay have any regard whatsoever to the results is a problem. I really do. I would not want to embrace either the consequentialist view or its alternative exclusively, but as a holistic understanding – yeah.

ROBIN: I think it makes sense that the correctness of liberty, Libertarianism as a philosophical position, can be tested on an ongoing basis, empirically – i.e. by looking to its consequences. If Libertarianism works— if it is right deontologically— then we should be able to test it as being effective consequentially.

JEFFREY: I think that that is exactly right. I think you’re right too that I tend to use consequentialist language because I think that this is the way our minds work. None of us would like to live in a world of massive conflict, violence, contention, and hate. We want to live where there is human cooperation, where there are opportunities to creatively serve others; where violence is kept at bay in some way; where capital can be formed so prosperity can flourish; where human associations of all sorts can take place. That’s what I would call a good society. We want to live in a good society. If you can call that consequentialism, okay. I don’t find that necessarily contradictory to human rights and that sort of thing. But I do think we can get sort of carried away, asserting that Libertarianism is only about your right and my right to be jerks and to be left unimpeded in our malevolent desires. I bring up, for example, racism. Racism is a very hot topic and maybe one of the reasons why the article kind of went viral in a way. One thing you can always count on a brutalist to do is to come to the defense of racism, sexism, and other kind of socially destructive impulses insofar as they express themselves in non-violent terms. They get very passionate about this issue, but I think what you don’t get from the brutalist-style argument here is that these are after all regrettable things.

ROBIN: Hold on to that thought, Jeffrey, because we’re going in to the break. We’ll carry on when we get back. Thank you.

[Break]

ROBIN: Welcome back to Blue Republican Radio with me, Robin Koerner, speaking to the awesome Jeffrey Tucker. Jeffrey, when we went into break you were starting to talk about these kinds of defenses— at least of people’s rights to be sexist or racist as long as they don’t express that right in a physically aggressive or threatening way. As you were kind of going there, I was recalling something that I read in your article that almost gave me a Gestalt Switch. I don’t know if you actually said it, but you began to indicate it. I might call it “extremist” or “epistemically extremist,” “purist,” or “dogmatic” – you’re calling it “brutalist” Libertarianism: it’s not so much an extreme or distilled version of Libertarianism or the classical liberal tradition: it’s actually decidedly illiberal. In other words, it represents a denial of the classical liberal tradition that has brought us our Libertarianism. Can you talk a little bit about that? I think you were anyway, but I just wanted to pull that out of your article because it’s very interesting.

JEFFREY: That’s exactly right. The reason liberalism has triumphed in the world has nothing to do with the right of people to hate, or because it’s some sort of closed system of thought in which we already know everything. Actually, Liberalism’s great gift to the world was precisely that it observed that society is better of when it’s not managed from the center. That permits people’s highest individual motivations and drives to express themselves associationally in the graduation of society to evermore prosperity and human dignity–universal human dignity. So, for example, Liberalism is what I think rightly considered to be responsible for the liberation of women from all forms of despotisms that have been around from the beginning of time, for the end of slavery, and for the opening up of a more tolerant society. This is what Liberalism granted us. It’s very strange to see that Libertarianism has been dragged out as a kind of apparatus in the defence of exactly the opposite impulses—illiberal impulses, intolerance, and so on.

ROBIN: All violent ideologies—I think it is true to say—become violent inasmuch as they are dogmas or purported as dogmas, right? I think a lot of Libertarians think that they can be dogmatic Libertarians because the content of their dogma is Libertarian—and so makes them completely not dangerous. But actually, your dogma is no less dangerous just because it says “Libertarian” on the tin.

JEFFREY: You’ve really put your finger on it, and this is why it took me so long to write this article. The brutalist voice made me uncomfortable, but rarely do they say things that I can specifically disagree with. It’s just a kind of creepy sense of something is going wrong. One thing I’ve been playing around with in my mind that I didn’t actually put in the article is that brutalism and statism have a lot in common with each other. This sense of already knowing how the world should work, believing that there is one model for the whole of society, this sort of denial of people’s right to experiment, to learn, and to express their diversity and a range of styles through a gradual organic evolution of life. The state is against that. That’s the problem with the state—it’s sort of regimented, frozen, and bureaucratic…

ROBIN: Yes, and one size fits all.

JEFFREY: One size fits all. It’s got a catechetical teaching about it. The only response is to simply obey. In a strange way, brutalistic libertarianism mirrors that same kind of mentality; it’s just that it attaches that word, “liberty,” to it. This is one of the reasons why my vision of society is essentially that which functions completely and wholly in the absence of the state: because of the errors and failures of the brutalistic mindset. It creates eyesores all over the world. The state has created eyesores all over the world. It’s kind of a dreadful prospect to imagine that Libertarianism in its brutalistic form if on the loose would create similar problems as the state itself has created. Already knowing the answers in advance, already imposing a plan on society that’s derived not from experience but rather from just our own wishes and imaginings about how life should work from one or two simple postulates.

ROBIN: It’s interesting that you talk about the eyesores that were built on the back of architectural brutalism and were obviously just an analogy to the ideological eyesores, you might say, of Libertarian brutalism. They matter because if you go through history, it has never been the case that more liberties have been won by a purist, dogmatic minority educating enough people in their vision such that all those people decide to make some big change to their political system or the political class. It’s always been a much more organic process, in which people, maybe in response to the tyrannical abuse of power that gets into the culture, which then reacts—not because they’re trying to establish some dogma that they’ve all signed up to—but because they’re trying to defend something they already take for granted—some freedoms they take for granted—that they think are being threatened. They push back. For us to be able to affect the mainstream action against tyranny, we need those kinds of mass movements that have brought us a thousand years of constitutional liberty in the Anglo tradition. We have to be approachable. We have to be the kind of people whom other people want to be like, whom people want to listen to. So dogmatism is surely going to be self-defeating for the mainstreaming of Libertarian ideas.

JEFFREY: I think that’s right. There is another thing too. I really like what you said when you said that people’s assertions of liberty – when we achieve more liberty – are often about defending associations and institutions that have already been built that seem to be under attack by an overreach of power. What that implies, I think, for liberty-minded people is that we need to get busy building institutions – whether they’re businesses, or technologies, or educational institutions, or just about anything. That’s probably more important than writing 5000 op-eds just repeating a very wrong assertion of our rights. It’s probably more effective to get out and build liberty rather than just continue to assert this narrow brand of a rights-based, truncated, and reduced form of Libertarianism. By the way, I don’t find evidence anywhere in history before the last several decades of a brutalistic form of Libertarianism or liberty-mindedness. If you look back at people like Lord Acton, Frédéric Bastiat, the work of Hayek, Mises, William Graham Sumner, or you could go back to Adam Smith, go back to the list of greats. You don’t find this evidence of this brutalism; you find very broad argumentation, very specific argumentation that covers a huge and vast range of human experience that’s very compelling. It’s about beauty, complexity, service to others, the organic community, and the gradual emergence of cultural norms, “spontaneous order” (as Hayek always called it), about the multifarious private relationships and how graceful they can be in this world. These are the types of arguments that you’re going to see throughout the whole of history of liberty. Then in the last several decades, this has begun to change and you begin to see all these considerations dismissed as sort of wimpy, stupid and irrelevant compared to my right to be an asshole.

ROBIN: All of those authors that you mentioned there…certainly I get the sense that they were writing to help us move in a better direction. They weren’t presenting some utopian destination, and I think a lot of this kind of brutalist mindset again corresponds to the arrogance of “I already have the answers.” It’s like: “I already know exactly what the destination is to be” whereas none of those writers were writing in that spirit.

JEFFREY: That’s right. Can I just give one very specific example that illustrates your point here? It’s been common knowledge in the liberty-minded world for a hundred years, maybe two hundred years, that money needs to be reformed radically, you know, made more sound or fixed-up. Libertarians have had, over the decades, developed these plans for top-down reform. One day, in the blink of an eye, we see something emerge on the internet in the form of cryptographically-based currency. It’s run out on a free forum. We’re seeing this new money emerge with evermore rigor all over the world as a global institution—in fairly surprising ways. This is not something that would have been predicted by anyone’s catechisms, if you know what I mean. This is a surprise, and as a result it was very interesting for me to watch how many Libertarians have sort of been radically resistant to even facing the reality outside their windows about this because it sort of contradicts the theory. This is a problem when your theory gets overly invested in a single reform plan, or a single perspective of how the world should work. You become blind actually to other possibilities.

ROBIN: Yes. One thing we also discussed in the break was that we need to bring these ideas to the mainstream – to not keep them in the purist corner of the Libertarian room. Is there a point where the Liberty movement, broadly, may have to decide, or realize perhaps, that those dogmatic brutalists who call themselves “Libertarians” are actually not our extreme wing, but they’re our ideological opponents?! Are we looking at, potentially, a schism here? Would it actually help for there to be one?

JEFFREY: Robin, I would not have said so before my article appeared because I was dealing with archetypes. I argued that there are many ways in which brutalism is compelling. We all wake up on the wrong side of the bed some days and have these sorts of brutalistic impulses. My article is actually more sympathetic with this perspective than I turned out to be 2-3 weeks after the article appeared because a very tiny minority was just darn near violent towards this piece.

ROBIN: I should say, Jeffrey, that was exactly my experience with the piece that I wrote, “Libertarian Purists: Libertarian on Everything – Except Liberty,” which covers a lot of this ground. There were a lot of people who really, really saw the importance of the point, but there was this hardcore that basically took it personally and the vitriol that came back was insane.

JEFFREY: Yeah, I couldn’t believe the stuff that people were attributing to me. It was just an incredible thing. What was very nice about the reaction in some ways was that some people read my article, Robin, and said, “Well, I don’t really see what you mean here,” but then over the next couple of weeks, they began to see exactly what I was talking about.

ROBIN: Yeah, just by looking at the comments on the article?

JEFFREY: Yeah, looking at the comments of the article and seeing the things appearing on social media, and they’re like: “Oh my god! I guess brutalism is more of a problem than I thought. It does exist and it’s a problem.”

ROBIN: The way I put this is that Libertarianism as a philosophy really has broadly three dispositions. It has a disposition toward humility, especially toward intellectual humility—“I don’t know what’s best for you.” It has a disposition toward – you might say its only requirement is – tolerance—“you can do what you want as long as it doesn’t hurt me even if what you’re doing isn’t something that I would choose to do.” And then, because we want not to have a state but we want to help our fellow man through non-statist means, we talk about civil society, so it also has a disposition toward civility. So you have civility, humility, and tolerance. It turns out that those three things—which to me just drop out of the political philosophy itself—are exactly the things the brutalists don’t display towards everybody else, but they are the things that we need to sell our message in a way that can really infect the psyche and change the zeitgeist.

JEFFREY: You exactly said it. Not only do they not emphasize these various virtues, but the brutalist mindset regards them as just outrageous distractions.

ROBIN: And compromises. They’re all regarded as compromises of principle, right?

JEFFREY: That’s right. Because [the brutalists believe that] they’re the only true believers in liberty, but actually I don’t think that they are. I think you’re right; I think that this brutalistic view is actually reductionist and unthoughtful, uncolored, and uncorrected by human experience. This has no regard for the larger context from which liberty came to triumph over despotism. I don’t know that it really is very helpful going forward either. I think that is exactly right. I’m particularly intrigued by the term, “tolerance,” because I think I used this term, “tolerance,” in my article as kind of being a liberal virtue. By the way, I took this directly from Mises. Mises’ book—I think it’s from 1927 called Liberalism—is a very, very good starting point for anybody who wants to test whether we’re going off the rails or not. It was one of the final statements in his very closing period of the Classical Era.

ROBIN: Jeffrey, hold on. I’m sorry to interrupt. We’ve got the last break in.

[Break]

ROBIN: What a great discussion this has been with Jeffrey Tucker. Jeffrey, we’re in the last 2 ½ minutes of the show now, but you just raised at the end of the last segment, Liberalism—the book. Mises’ Liberalism. What were you going to say?

JEFFREY: I was just going to say that if you forget what liberalism is, go back and visit it and test your current beliefs against what you find in that book because it’s in the true liberal spirit. Mises highlights tolerance as a very high virtue within the liberal world. Brutalism is the opposite of tolerance; it is completely intolerant. Robin, let me say something here – I’ve thought a lot about those questions like “Where does brutalism come from?” The original brutalistic architects—they didn’t believe in beauty; they didn’t believe in building anything really worth anything, because they assumed that it was all going to be blown up by government anyway because they had just gone through World War II, for example. In other words, they were despairing, and their architectural styles did not express anything like a hope for humanity—quite the opposite.

I think we have to ask ourselves whether or not, perhaps, that is the fundamental problem behind the brutalistic spirit that you find popping up in the Libertarian world. It’s an expression of despair. A belief that the world cannot be made better so we might as well blow it up, or at least have fun offending people in the meantime before it blows itself up. This is what I think might actually be behind the whole thing. There’s a kind of nihilism really. But once you realize: “No, no – this is wrong. There is hope, the world can be improved, the world can be made more beautiful, made more free—through our own actions and through the social movements that we’re involved in, you can get a little more connected to reality; you get a little more connected to the human experience and you begin to understand that liberty is not really—as I’ve said— just some sort of catechetical exercise. It really is about the highest wishes for the flourishing of humanity and the social order in a very real way that connects directly with people’s lives. People are not our enemies. They’re our friends in the cause for liberty, and we need to be looking for friends and recruiting people from all walks of life into this world. I don’t think the brutalist experience is going to do that. I think what’s going to do it is a broad-based humanitarian form of liberalism. I myself consider myself an anarchist—a humanitarian anarchist, I think. A world without the state is a beautiful place. We’re going to get better at expressing that.

ROBIN: Jeffrey, thank you! That is the last word. I have loved talking to you. Thank for you being with me on Blue Republican Radio.

JEFFREY: Thank you very much for having me, Robin.

Lew Rockwell Calls for Grassroots Campaign to Draft Ron Paul for House Speaker

Ludwig von Mises Institute founder Lew Rockwell published a blog post on Saturday calling for a grassroots campaign to pressure the U.S. House of Representatives to elect former Congressman and libertarian icon Ron Paul to the position of House speaker.

According to Rockwell, Ron Paul Peace and Prosperity Institute executive director Daniel McAdams, who also served as Dr. Paul’s foreign affairs adviser during his time in Congress, says the U.S. House of Representatives is not required to elect one of its current members to serve as speaker. Consequently, Dr. Paul, who retired from Congress in January of 2013, could in theory be eligible to be elected to lead the House.

A Facebook page dedicated to promoting the election of Ron Paul to House speaker, which was created in 2010, saw new activity this week in response to the buzz around Rockwell’s call.

Current House Speaker John Boehner announced last Friday that he will step down from his position next month, which will leave a vacancy.

In comments on last Friday’s Ron Paul Liberty Report, which was published prior to Rockwell’s blog post, Dr. Paul discussed Boehner’s pending resignation and commented on some of the representatives that are rumored to be in contention to replace him.

You know, my thoughts are that it’ll be more of the same. They talk about the various possible individuals that might replace Boehner, but none of them seem to be, you know, real conservative or constitutionalist, but it’s almost beside the point because the momentum is so great for more spending,” said Dr. Paul.

[RELATED: The Flow: The Magnificent Obsession Of Ron Paul]

Commenting on what he perceives as the Republican-led House of Representatives’ lack of conservatism, Dr. Paul said:

[pull_quote_center]They’re building momentum, and there’s a political advantage to some individuals that if they can close down the government they’ll get some political points and, yet, do you think we’re ever going to see the day when conservatives, limited government constitutionalists will stand up and say, ‘We’re not going to vote for this budget unless you cut out all the funding for these illegal, unconstitutional, insane wars that we’re involved in.’? What are the odds of them even hinting to that? Matter of fact, it’s almost the opposite, because they want to get rid of sequestration… Behind the scenes, Boehner and Pelosi are getting together to get rid of sequestration so funding will go up both on welfare and on warfare.[/pull_quote_center]

Would you like to see Dr. Ron Paul as speaker? Click here to vote in our poll.

New Documentary ‘Imminent Threat’ Calls for Alliance of Progressives and Libertarians

The documentary film Imminent Threat is hoping to increase dialogue regarding the impacts of the War on Terror and possibly foster alliances between the Progressive “Left” and Libertarian “Right.”

Imminent Threat examines Edward Snowden’s revelations about NSA spying, the drone war, the war on journalism and other threats to civil liberties. The film also aims to show how these threats to Americans’ rights were started during the Bush administration and expanded by the Democratic establishment under President Obama.

The film was released on September 4th and is directed by Janek Ambros and executive produced by Academy award nominee James Cromwell. Ambros has previously worked on documentaries covering current events, including 2012’s “Closing Bell”, which examined the 2008 financial collapse and bank bailout through the eyes of a Wall Street broker.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CfTdLFo6QSM

Truth In Media’s Derrick Broze caught up with Ambros to discuss his film and what he hopes to achieve.

Broze: What was the biggest challenge to making this film?

Ambros: Logistically, the biggest challenge of the film was getting all the stock footage. I wanted to use archival footage as a creative asset to the film to experiment with fast cutting, mostly influenced by Sergei Eisenstein and Thelma Schoonmaker. From there, I went on to try to break conventions of editing by freeze frames, sped up shots, dropping frames, dissolves, and various editing techniques.

Content wise, the most challenging was creating a more broad approach to the War on Terror. This isn’t necessarily an investigative documentary, but more a macro look at the longest and most ambiguous War on U.S. history and the impact on civil liberties and law. For this reason, structure (similar to structure of a thesis statement or even a narrative screenplay for that matter) was absolutely key and had to convey the overall point of these issues not being left vs right, rather establishment vs non-establishment
politics.

Broze: The film looks at a possible alliance between left and right. What were the challenges in approaching that situation?

Ambros: The most challenging was to remain totally neutral in terms of ‘progressives’ and ‘libertarian.’  The film purposely has three interviewees who are unabashed progressives and three libertarians. This, once again, was essential to make the point that these two cohorts can work together because they have so much overlap in terms of civil liberties and foreign policy.

Broze: Many Americans are familiar with the topics in the film, including the failures of the United State’s foreign policy, the impact of the War on Terror, and the Surveillance State revealed by Edward Snowden. However, unlike other nations, we do not see millions Americans marching in the streets calling for reform. Do you think there is apathy towards awareness of the issues raised in your film?

Ambros: The film focuses on legalities rather than morals. It points out that the Bill of Rights is being abused – whether or not the audience cares about that is hard for me determine. However, through the use of archival, music, atmosphere, and tone, the definitely attempts to convey the importance of civil liberties, rule of law, and a more limited foreign policy. Of course, I was not attempting to make propaganda, but this movie definitely has a point of view and I’ll be the first to admit it.

Broze: If there was to be an alliance of activists and citizens on the left and
right of the political spectrum, what issues do you think would unite these
groups?

Ambros: This is the most important element of the film because this is not talked about much. Other than Ralph Nader’s book, I haven’t seen much on the idea of an alliance between progressives and libertarians on specific issues. The issues they overlap on are civil liberties and limited foreign policy. After that, there is not much they agree on and they’re extreme opposites with economics — one more fearful of government, the other more fearful of corporations.

Broze: Is there hope to reform the growing American police and surveillance
states?

Ambros: I think if there are more people willing to put aside differences and focus on specific issues on at a time, then there could be change. But until then, we’ll have the same monotonous argument between the left and right and nothing will ever get done, not just in terms of civil liberties and foreign policy, but in terms of a plan for the U.S. to move forward and
become a genuine leader in the world for peace and prosperity.

Imminent Threat is now available on iTunes and Amazon. 

EXCLUSIVE: Ted Cruz Explains Why Ron Paul Supporters Are Working On His 2016 Run

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pkcYdOz2kxI&feature=youtu.be

Florida governor and 2016 presidential candidate Jeb Bush raised many eyebrows recently when he claimed “I have libertarian blood running through my veins.” The comment was an appeal for liberty-minded voters to give his campaign a look.

But Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Tx.) has already appealed to many liberty-Republicans.

Recently, at a town hall event in South Carolina, Truth In Media’s Joshua Cook asked Senator Cruz why so many supporters of Ron Paul are now working for the Cruz campaign.

“Thanks for the question, it’s one of the most encouraging aspects of our campaign,” Senator Cruz replied. “If we’re going to win we’ve got to reassemble that old Reagan coalition. We’ve got to bring together conservatives, Evangelicals and libertarians. We’ve got to bring together young people, Hispanics and women and Reagan Democrats.”

“In 2012 I was the only candidate in the country who was endorsed by Ron Paul and Rick Santorum. And the reason is, I had built a record of standing and fighting for the Constitution, fighting for religious liberty, fighting for liberty. And when you stand for the Constitution, and when you stand for the Judeo-Christian values that built this country, that can bring people together behind shared principles,” answered Cruz.

“So I’m very proud to have the support of a great many of libertarians and liberty-minded folks here in South Carolina and nationally,” said Cruz.

Steven Long, a liberty activist in South Carolina who attended the Cruz campaign event, told Cook, “I support Cruz because he is a conservative leader that we can count on. He shut down the government to attempt and end Obamacare—one of the worst laws in our nations history. When Rand Paul had his filibusters, Cruz was there to support him, but when Cruz had his filibuster, Paul was nowhere to be found. Cruz speaks the truth about the establishment and he doesn’t try and cozy up to them to get ahead. You’ll never see him endorse Mitch McConnell. He has a record of arguing before the Supreme Court and as Solicitor General he headed up many cases. In the senate he has been a steadfast leader and has never compromised his values.”

What Do You Love? Politics Is Spirituality Demonstrated

I have had the honor of speaking to many extraordinary guests on my radio show.

Perhaps none has touched as many lives as Neale Donald Walsch.

My work as a political commentator draws significantly on his, and in many respects, I trace my belief that Love can and must be put at the center of our politics to his ideas, with which I first engaged while at college.

With that said, this extraordinary, elevating and thought-provoking interview speaks for itself.

Neale Donald Walsch

ROBIN KOERNER: Welcome to Blue Republican Radio. My guest today is a certain Neale Donald Walsch, who is probably one of the best-selling authors of our time. He is the author of Conversations with God series of books, which I discovered about twenty years ago, and he’s been prolific: ten million copies of his books have been sold. He’s been translated into thirty-seven different languages and – this may surprise some of my listeners – but this gentleman has probably had more of an intellectual impact on me, and even my political work and writing, than perhaps anyone else. Certainly more so than anyone else I have spoken to on this show.

First of all, I would like to start by thanking you, Neale, on air, for the impact you’ve had on me, many of the people I know, and the millions of lives that you’ve touched through your writing.

NEALE DONALD WALSCH: Well, that’s very generous of you, Robin. Thank you very much for those kind words.

ROBIN: Well, thank you too. Let me just explain why I wanted to put you on a show where we normally talk about politics and economics. You wrote that, “your politics is your spirituality demonstrated, so too economics”. When it is said like that, I guess it’s obvious, but I think most of us don’t actually approach our politics – our trying to make our society better – with that in the front of our mind. Would you say that’s fair?

NEALE: Yes, I do think that’s fair. I think it’s more than fair – it is also the problem. The major problem facing the world today, in my observation and in my view, is that there appears to be a huge disconnect between people’s most basic fundamental beliefs about life, about themselves, and about this thing called “God”…if anyone even has a belief in this thing called “God.” Even those who don’t have a belief in God – those beliefs as well – impact their positionality with regard to economics, politics, and just about everything else in life. So when I say politics are your spirituality demonstrated, I mean exactly that. That politics is just a means by which we put into action, either by voting or in some even larger way in the democratic societies of the world, our most deeply held, most profound, most sacred-if you please- belief. If that’s not what politics is, if politics are not that, then politics are bankrupt.

ROBIN: Yes, that’s a good word and well used. You wrote, Neale, that all the following words are synonyms: “Think of them as the same thing: God, life, love, unlimited, eternal, and free. Anything which is not one of these things is not any of these things.” People who follow my work, listen to the show know that the slogan I work around in politics – specifically in politics – is, “liberty with Love.” … which, by the way, you might say almost doesn’t make sense: if love is freedom, liberty with love is almost a tautology – I suppose! I’m trying to put love into politics; love as maybe the bedrock. I think most of us get caught up in our own paradigms, in our own orthodoxies. We get a little righteous about what we believe, and it becomes a little more about being right than doing what is right.

NEALE: I think I’m going to disagree with you a tiny bit in terms of the semantical approach. I believe that all politics is love demonstrated as well. I think people do use politics to demonstrate their love, but it’s a question of what they’re loving. Every act is an act of love, I’ve been told and advised. Every single act, including every political act, is an act of love, so in fact I think people do use politics with full awareness that their political expression is an expression of what they love. So the issue is not that there is a disconnect between love and politics. The issue is: what are they loving? What does a person love? Do they love power; are they loving themselves more than the next person? Are they loving gold and diamonds, earrings, positions? Or are they loving other people? Are they loving the poor? Are they loving a particular philosophy? So your politics will demonstrate in fact exactly what you are loving. So politics in my experience, as I observe the world, in fact is the biggest demonstration of love. The question is not whether politics demonstrates what you love. The question is “what do you love?” Sometimes we think that if a person is not, let’s say, taking political actions, making political choices and decisions that affect the poor, the neglected, the undernourished and so forth of the world in a positive way, if they’re just looking out for themselves – then we say that they’re not acting in a loving way, but in fact they are! They’re acting in a very loving way: they’re simply loving themselves more than they are loving other people, or more than they are loving the poor and the downtrodden and the disadvantaged. But everybody is loving something. I think we need to really be clear about that. It’s an extraordinary point of view that has been given to me by some very high sources. Everybody loves something. Every act, therefore, is an act of love. Even the act of terrorism- even the act of cruelty- is an act of love. If people did not love something, they would not act cruel toward another person with regard to something else. If people didn’t love something, they would never act in a way that strikes terror in the hearts of other people. So it’s a question of not whether you’re loving enough, but what you’re loving and why. And that’s what people don’t understand. They think we need to teach people how to love. We don’t need to teach people how to love – all people know how to love. We need to teach people what to love, if they want to change their lives and change the world.

ROBIN: So that begs a great question: what would you have people love and how should we be teaching what to love?

NEALE: I would have people love first the highest source of energy in the universe, which I call “life” or “God” or – if you please – “freedom,” or “un-limitedness.” I would invite people to love that which has loved us so much that it has given us complete freedom to make the choices and decisions we wish to make in our lives, or at least the opportunity to express that freedom should we choose to do so. Or at least that’s the plan. A lot of people – millions of people – do not have that freedom. They live in societies and in situations where they don’t have the freedom to make the choices they want to make but the idea – the plan – was that they would. I would have people decide to chase their priorities in life. The fact is that 98% of the world’s people are spending 98% of their time on things that don’t matter. The fact is that we have our priorities wrong. There’s something that we do not fully understand here about life (the understanding of which would change everything). What we don’t understand is that we’ve got our priorities mixed up. We’re simply loving – if you please – and yearning for the wrong things. Wrong not in the sense of being morally wrong, wrong in the sense of being unworkable, dysfunctional, so we notice – with the most casual observation – that the way in which society operates (that is, the things that people prioritize) are simply creating a horrible, horrible mess in this world. We live in a world right now where 5% of the world’s people hold 95% of the world’s wealth and resources, and where 1% of the world holds 50% of the world’s wealth and resources and don’t seem to care very much, or show very much concern, for the fact that what I just said is true. We live on a planet, Robin, where as you and I are talking today, 2.6 billion people do not have indoor sanitation. 2.6 billion people don’t have toilets in their house! One and a half billion people do not have access to clean water, 637 children are dying every hour on this planet of starvation. We’ve all heard these statistics before from a variety of sources, and we all go, “tsk, tsk…that’s really a shame” and we mean it, we really mean it. It is really a shame, but we don’t think we can do anything about it. That’s where the disconnect is. Actually there is quite a bit we could do about it, and it’s just a matter of having the will to do so. What would create that will? Ahh, choosing to love something else other than ourselves, something else other than our priorities. I grew up, Robin, with the following priorities: get the girl, get the car, get the job, get the house, get the spouse, get the kids, get the grandkids, get the better car, get the better job, get the better house, get the better spouse, get more kids, get the grandkids, and finally at the end, get the office in the corner, get the sign on the door, get the retirement watch, get the cruise tickets, get the illness, and get out. That was basically my set of priorities. What’s been made clear to me in my conversations with God is: “wow, what a wrong set of priorities.” From start to finish, the wrong set of priorities.

ROBIN: Neale, you know what? We’re coming to the end of this first segment, and I think that’s a good place to end. We’ll be back in a few minutes. Thank you, thank you.

[Break]

ROBIN: I am Robin Koerner. I am speaking to the best-selling author of the Conversations with God series of books, Neale Donald Walsch. I have got this gentleman, who has been a big spiritual teacher in my life, talking a little bit about something that you all know that I am most interested in, which is making our world better – we hope – through politics. And we started a little bit by talking about love, and, Neale, your point is very well taken, but I would like to return to this word, “love.” I actually wrote an article recently where I did something that I quite often do, which is that I steal from you. I opened an article with the notion that made a profound impact on me when I read it in Conversations with God that the true three words – the three-worded sentiment of love – is not “I love you” but “as you wish.” “As you wish” seems to capture for me the idea of both what love is (inasmuch is it’s not about elevating yourself above the beloved but the opposite) and also encompasses this idea of freedom (what you love you want to be free or make free). Thinking of love in that way – is it possible to put that conception of love into our politics? Maybe on a national level or a global level. How do we do that and how do we deal with this balance, or tradeoff, or compromise between – which we often have in politics – compassion, and the use of force to deliver what we think is compassionate? There’s often this kind of tradeoff between helping and the reduction of freedom to be able to help, if that makes sense. Maybe through the state or some institution. How do we deal with that?

NEALE: If what we’re doing through the state is the reflection of the combined will or the highest thought of those people that the government serves, then it’s not really a reduction of freedom – it is an expression of freedom. That is, that is the basis upon which the United States government, and governments elsewhere in the world as well, are intended to operate. Where we get into a challenging situation and sometimes great difficulty is when the governance constructions of the state – the laws, the legislation, the rules, regulations, and so forth – do not serve us. For instance, to give you a simple if not a striking example, nobody argues with the red light at the corner. I don’t care what country you’re in, I don’t care where in the world you are – nobody has a problem with the fact that on street corners, the light turns red, then it turns green, then it turns red again. It’s the law, and we know that if we violate the law and somebody catches us, we’re going to be given a ticket and so on and so forth because we have broken the law. But nobody has a problem with that law because everybody in the world agrees. Why? Because we see that our survival is at stake. It’s very clear to us: we’re not going to violate the law. The red light is there for our own good. If it’s a question of governance taking place, if we’re pressured to follow the law, again, I announce, if we do not stop at the red light, we will be fined and we might even be put into jail if we do it consistently enough because we will be called a scofflaw. Guess what? We’re totally happy to have laws govern the human society so long as we agree with the laws themselves and the laws serve us, and many laws do. Let’s be fair, many laws do serve us, but there are some laws that do not. And increasing number, those are laws that take away our freedoms to the degree that what we intended (when we gave power to our government to assist us, to collectively move through our lives) has been ignored, or avoided, in fact – in some cases, violated.

You’re right; there is this extraordinary dichotomy right now where governments around the world, including the United States, now seem to be taking away freedoms as a means of guaranteeing our freedom. Striking that delicate balance is no small feat. It’s what creates political divisions, political differences between people. In the United States, the major difference is between the Democratic and Republican Parties, between Libertarians and others in the United States’ political structure who have enormous, not small but enormous, disagreements around this. I’m kind of a Libertarian at heart – I’ve gotta tell you I’m fairly conservative in my political views – surprisingly enough. Most people expect me to be liberal, but I’m socially liberal but fiscally, I’m fairly conservative in my political views. I’m most conservative when I believe that, if I had my way, there would be no government at all. No laws. No legislation. No governance whatsoever. Anyone would be totally free to do whatever they wanted to do, but I’m willing to acknowledge that our society as a culture, humanity as a cultural collective is not sufficiently evolved to live that way. Unless we see that our survival is directly at stake.

Let me make one little analogy here: I do a lot of visiting around the world. One of my favorite places is Paris, and one of my favorite places in Paris is the Arc de Triomphe. It’s a favorite place because it illustrates for me a dynamic that I observe throughout human life. If you’ve ever driven around the circle at the Arc de Triomphe in Paris, you would understand why I call it “suicide circle.” That’s because thousands and thousands cars drive through that circle every hour from one side to the other. There are no lane markings, there are no traffic police, there are no signs, there are no lights, and a matter of fact, there is no control whatsoever. You literally take your life into your own hands—a “suicide circle” as I call it—around the Arc de Triomphe. Yet, there are fewer traffic accidents and far fewer traffic fatalities in that circle than there are 100 yards away at the Champs-Élysées. Well, they’ve all got traffic lanes, markings on the road, signs, lights, and even policeman in the busiest places, and there are far fewer accidents and fatalities around the circle. What does that tell us? It tells us that when there is no regulation whatsoever, people look out for themselves and for each other when they are clear that their combined best interest—in this case survival—are at stake; i.e., the fundamental instinct of humanity is to look out for the self and for the other when we all agree on what it is we’re trying to do. We all agree what we’re trying to do around the Arc de Triomphe is to get across the circle alive, or without killing ourselves or anybody else. I noticed then that lack of governance, lack of control can work famously and wondrously so long as everyone agrees on the desired outcome.

The problem is: in unevolved societies, we can’t even agree on where we’re trying to go collectively as humanity. We can’t even agree, for instance (to use another striking example), we can’t even agree on whether it’s okay for gays to marry each other. It’s taken us hundreds of years to come to even a semblance of agreement in certain states in the United States that it’s okay to spend your life with another person in a married situation regardless of what their gender is. What a huge deal that’s been because we have misunderstood what God wants. We’ve actually created legislation, in the years past, that we imagine reflect the desires of our maker. In many cases, we’ve said it’s against the law of God—“it’s right there in the Bible, Neale, read the Bible”—and so we allow ourselves to create laws that change what have determined and defined to be the collectively desired outcome of an entire society. History is about the long struggle of human beings to agree with each other on where we’re trying to go, how we can best survive, and how we can best express who we really are. That’s the social, economic, political, and spiritual struggle challenge that is facing humanity and never more profoundly than on this very day.

ROBIN: Yes, yes. This is interesting. We’re coming to the end of the segment, but I love listening to you, Neale. You talk about the state and the laws that we have, some of which serve us and some of which do not, and it occurs to me—and I think I’ve written as much—that we are seeing now an increasing number of laws that seem to come out of fear. In the next segment, I want to talk a little bit about this because—you might disagree with me here—but I have written (it’s kind of short-hand) that it’s almost as if we’re living through an age of the politics of fear right now, especially since 9/11. There’s this sense in which there’s this kind of contracting, almost kind of reactionary, protective use of the state and law. It seems in that sense to be the opposite of loving use of the state and law. I’m giving you that as we go into the break, and you can come back and agree or disagree in the next segment. Thank you, Neale Donald Walsch.

[Break]

ROBIN: Welcome back to Blue Republican Radio. This is Robin Koerner speaking to Neale Donald Walsch, which is a personal privilege to me because he’s had a huge influence on my life through his books for the last twenty years. I want to talk to him in this segment about this idea of being driven by fear as opposed to love, and whether that is what is going on in our politics right now. Now, I understand… I take your point of what you said earlier, Neale, that in a way, our politics demonstrates what we love; it’s always demonstrating our love. Maybe, then, what I mean by “fear” is a love of something that we are concerned is being lost, and that we have to bring to bear legislation, the state, and all kinds of things, to save. Are we in that age? Am I right about that?

NEALE: There’s no question about it. Fear is a demonstration of love. Of course, if you didn’t love something, you’d be afraid of nothing. If you didn’t love something, you’d be afraid of losing nothing or afraid of not having something. I would say it’s all motivated by love, but you’re perfectly right, of course. The fearful aspect of demonstration of love is exactly what’s being demonstrated now. Not only in politics in the United States, but for that matter around the world. We live in a fearful society right now, and how could we not given how love is being demonstrated so dysfunctionally and so violently and so cruelly around the world? When people walk into a magazine office in Paris, kill the editors, and execute them by name because of cartoons that they drew that were offensive in some way to another person. Offensiveness is probably not a good idea, but do we kill people as a result of it? I mean, do we actually murder people because we’ve been offended by a cartoon that they drew or a statement they made? For that matter, do we behead people because they belong to our religious persuasion or are not living their lives the way we think they should, and then put pictures of the beheading up on the internet so that everyone can see and become scared about that? Of course we live in a society that’s fear-driven. How could we not? The question is not whether we are living in a society that’s driven by fear, the question is: what, if anything, can turn it around? Or are we going to slowly, in fact, disassemble ourselves or disassemble everything we’ve put together? In some ways, we probably should but not violently and not cruelly. Here’s the nature of what’s going on the planet right now: the fact of the matter is, what we’re discovering, human beings are now observing—and by the way, the human race is rapidly losing patience with itself—we’re able to see that nothing is working. That is, nothing—NONE—of the systems we’ve put in place on the planet are working to produce the outcomes for which we designed them. The political system that we put into place on the earth among the very societies of the planet was designed to create, if nothing else, at least a minimum of safety, security, and stability between nations. It’s produced, in fact, exactly the opposite. The economic system that we designed on this planet, which was produced nominally, to create at least, if nothing else if not equality, equal opportunity for people to achieve and to experience a minimal level of financial abundance and financial security. It has produced, in fact, exactly the opposite. The social systems we put into place on the planet, which were designed to create harmony, joviality, joy, companionship between people, and closeness between people, frankly, have produced exactly the opposite. Saddest of all, the spiritual systems that we have put into place, which were designed to bring us closer to God, and therefore, closer to each other, have produced exactly the opposite. In fact, not a single system we put into place has produced the outcomes for which it was designed. In fact, it has produced exactly the opposite. Humanity’s construction has therefore resulted in abject failure for the largest number of people. In fact, for all but 1% of people on the planet. Our challenge right now is to civilize civilization. Are we living in a fearful society? Of course we are because we can see that –read my lips—nothing is working.

ROBIN: I just want to get the perspective right here. What about the fact that now, as a human being living in this century, you’re less likely than a human being in history to die a violent death? You’re going to have a longer life expectancy. On average, we have more material comforts and people around the world are being pulled out of abject poverty and have access to some of the basic comforts that we’ve had in the West for a couple of generations.

NEALE: People like to use those statistics to prove that we somehow improved. In the 21st century—in 2015— have we made sufficient progress to brag? No one is suggesting (and I’m the last one to suggest) that we haven’t made some improvement. My god – in 500 years, we ought to have at least created a society where fewer people are subject to death and the lifespans are a bit longer. Hello! Is our present situation something to brag about simply because it’s better than it was 500 years ago, or 300 years ago? Is this where an advanced civilization ought to be? Where one and a half billion people go to bed hungry tonight. Is that what we’re talking about? That 2 out of 10 people go to bed hungry tonight? That 2.6 billion people have to go to the bathroom outside? I don’t want to hear about bragging about how it’s better than it used to be. Excuse me, if we could put a man on the moon; if we can cure polio and bring an end to major diseases; if we can make the extraordinary advances we have made, when can we create a life of dignity and create a civilized civilization for all but 1% of the world or 5% in a stretch of the world’s people? Are we satisfied in saying that 80-85% of the world’s people are living in abject poverty and say, “well, you know it’s better than it was – the poverty isn’t as bad as the poverty used to be.” Excuse me, that’s not good enough for me. I don’t want to hear statistics that prove: “hey, more of us are living now than lived before; more of us have washing machines and vacuum cleaners.” Really? Really?

ROBIN: Thank you for clarifying. Absolutely. I get you, which really preempts another question that I want to ask you: how do you feel we can change our political discourse so that we can reorient to really address some of the general and fundamental issues? I am asking that holding in mind another quotation of yours which captures a thought I try and share in my work, which is the following: “No one gets righteousness,” you said, “not even those you’re trying to help.” And I think there are a lot of us who see what you’re now describing and we all have our pet solutions whether it’s the Democratic Party or the Libertarian or the Republican, whatever it may be. We take our righteousness out to the world, and we try to convince: “we have the answer, if only you follow my way.” A lot of us have been doing that quite well-intended, and yet still here we are in the world you’ve just described me. How do we change that?

NEALE: By altering our fundamental beliefs. The problem is then that we insist on trying to change the world at the level of behavior, rather than at the level of beliefs. So we pass laws, we write up legislations, we give sermons, we give speeches, we write articles. We do all that we can to try to convince the world to change its behaviors, but we abjectly refuse to say very much about changing the beliefs that sponsor those behaviors. We are loathed to question the prior assumption when it comes to our beliefs. Let me explain something to be real clear here. The one thing that we are loathed to do in the area of our behaviors that we are not loathed to do anywhere else. In science, we question the prior assumption immediately. As soon as we have a discovery we’ve made scientifically, we put it to the test: we question the prior assumption. Is there possibly more to know on this subject? This is something we do in technology. We do the same thing in medicine. For instance, if you’ve come up with a medical discovery or a cure, the first thing we do is put it to the test. We are skeptics – we question the prior assumption. But in our most fundamental beliefs, our beliefs about who we are, about our relationship to each other, about the purpose of all of life, and about the thing that some of us call “God,” “Allah,” “Brahman,” “Yahweh,” “Jehovah,” or whatever word it pleases us to use to refer to that ineffable essence we call the divine – in that hat particular area of our life, which happens to be ironically the most important area of all, we refuse to question the prior assumption. As soon as anyone gets up and says, “Is it possible that this particular spiritual teaching might be wrong? This teaching about God, about us, about who we are, about our relationship to each other. Or at least, if not wrong, at least incomplete not fully accurate… Is it possible that there’s something we don’t know here, that we don’t fully understand, the understanding of which could change everything?” As soon as anybody gets up and even raises that question, they are accused of “blasphemy,” “apostasy,” “heresy.” We put them down because, in the area of our beliefs, we’re not supposed to question the prior assumption. And here’s the prior assumption (there are two that we are loathed to question): 1) the assumption that we are separate from God and from each other. We live in a world of separation that says that we are separate from deity, if there even is a God, and separate from each other whether there is or is not a God. This is what I call a separation theology. You know what, Robin, there is nothing wrong with that if that’s your belief system. Fair enough if it begins and ends there. But the problem is, it doesn’t end there because it’s a global separation theology, and that’s what we’re talking about here. All of the world’s religions – not a few of them— all—every one– of the world’s great religions insists that we are separate from God. That separation theology produces separation cosmology; i.e., a cosmological way of looking at life that says, “Everything is separate from everything else.” Which in turn produces a separation psychology; i.e., individual psychological profiles that allow us to feel alone in a crowd. That separation psychology produces separation sociology, that is entire societies that have understood themselves to be “other than” and “separate from” other societies. And ultimately, that separation sociology produces separation pathology, pathological behaviors of self-destruction, observable everywhere we turn on this planet today. That’s what we have to do today—to answer your question—change not our behaviors but beliefs that generate those behaviors and support them. The beliefs from which those behaviors emerge, chiefly among them – our belief in separation, that we are separate from each other, separate in a sense from all of life on the planet—in the sense that we are observing it but have no control over it, and separate from the thing that some of us call God, divinity, or whatever word we want to use to refer to that ineffable essence that is the divine.

Now, if we changed our mind about separation, we would then change our behavior automatically because we would not allow our right hand to slap our left. We would not do to others what we would not want done to us. But since we think there is such a thing called “another,” we can go ahead and do things to others that we would never do to ourselves. If the things that ISIS right now is doing to others were done to them, they would call it “abject cruelty,” and they’d become furious, but they’re now doing it to others in the name of righteousness. This is not true just of that particular phenomenon, but it is the truth throughout human history. It’s merely the latest example of the same. The second belief—there are two major beliefs that we have to change—the second belief is our belief, as I mentioned earlier, that we are even after the appropriate outcomes individually and collectively, when in fact it’s just the opposite. We’re spending 98% of our time on things that don’t matter. But don’t tell anybody that! Let them go out there to get the guy, get the girl, get the car, get the job, get the house, get the office on the corner, get the promotion, get the bigger car, get the bigger house, get the stuff, get the stuff, get the stuff. We live in an extraordinarily materialistic society, and you can’t talk humanity out of it. It feels that they have to somehow get these things in order to feel secure, ignoring completely the teaching of every great spiritual master that has walked the planet. ALL of them have said—each in their own way—“seek ye first the kingdom of heaven and all these things will be added onto you.”

ROBIN: It’s interesting, Neale—I have so many thoughts here. You actually brought up the word, “libertarian,” earlier, saying you have libertarian instincts. Thinking about libertarians—I know many and I work with many: on the one hand, there’s a celebration of individualism, but there’s also a celebration of voluntarism, of acting freely. It occurs to me that—if we could celebrate individualism while understanding that we are all part of the whole, part of the One – celebrating the individual but not the separation of the individual – then perhaps then we would find that we would need less force of the state; we would need less force in our society.

NEALE: You’d need no force. There’s no force that comes into your home on Thanksgiving Day and makes sure that everybody gets a piece of the apple pie. There’s no force used there. It’s even more obvious. If Uncle Charlie shows up at the front door: “Hey, I just got back into town, I’ve been gone for a couple years. I heard that this is your Thanksgiving Day – mind if I come in?” “Come on in! There’s enough food for all of us!” We find a way to even invite people who weren’t originally invited to sit down at the table, and you know why? There’s no force used for heaven’s sake. The better angels of our nature make it very clear to us what the appropriate response is to family. However, when we think it’s not family, when it’s the person across the street who comes to the door, rings the doorbell, and says, “Would you have a little extra for me?” We say, “Sorry because you’re not part of our family. Take care of yourself” We have misunderstood what voluntarism will produce. I agree with voluntarism – we should have a society with no laws whatsoever, but if we change our beliefs about who we are, we would in fact voluntarily make sure that everybody gets enough. We would never allow, if we were a civilized society, 623 children to die every hour of starvation. We would simply not allow it.

ROBIN: Beautiful. Thank you, Neale. We’re coming up to the end of the third segment, the long segment. We will back for just 2 ½ minutes in a little bit to close the show. Thank you so much for being with me, Neale, and I look forward to just hearing from you about what you’re working on now.

[Break]

ROBIN: I’ve had a very exciting hour with Neale Donald Walsch. I don’t really go in for heroes, but Neale has been one of the biggest influences on my life as I’ve said. And those who know his work and know mine will perhaps now, if you listen to this show, see more of his thought in my work than perhaps you realized was there. I would like to just close the show by asking you to share with my listeners what you’re working on now. I believe you do have a new book coming out? Tell us a little bit about that.

NEALE: Well, I’m working on two things: first of all, the advancing of my latest book into the world. The book is called God’s Message to the World: You’ve Got Me All Wrong. It talks about seventeen statements that human beings routinely make about God that are in fact false. There’s a true and false quiz in the book and we invite people to answer “true” or “false”: “God is to be feared? True or false? “God demands obedience? True or False; “God’s love is vengeful and God’s love can turn to wrath? True or false? And other statements as well. The book explores those statements and explains why our thought—the thought of many people—that those statements are true is what has created the dysfunction in humanity’s experience of itself. The second project I’m involved in is called the “Evolution Revolution.” On March 12th, we are going to stage an evolution revolution on the earth in cities, towns, and villages across the planet in which we place on the church house doors all over the world, as Martin Luther did in Wittenberg, Germany, in 1570. We’re going to echo his action and place on the church house doors all over the world –on the doors of synagogues, mosques, temples, and houses of worship everywhere—one thousand words that would change the world. And 10,000 people are going to be doing that on March 12th. If anyone wants more information on how to become a spiritual activist in that regard, they just have to go to evolutionrevolution.net. The name of the book again – God’s Message to the World: You’ve Got Me All Wrong. Thank you very much, Robin, for the opportunity to share my latest projects with anyone who might have a modicum of interest.

ROBIN: Thank you, Neale. You mentioned spiritual activists. I just want to say to those who hold themselves to be political activists—many of whom listen to this show—that your politics is your spirituality demonstrated. So if you’re a political activist who is not a spiritual activist, you’re not a political activist. Thank you again, Neale. Thank you for taking this time, thank you for sharing your wisdom. It’s been a real pleasure to speak with you. Please visit BlueRepublican.org, and please check out Neale Donald Walsch’s work.

(Many thanks to Hema Gorzinski for transcribing.)

CPAC Straw Poll Winner Rand Paul Battles The Bush Machine—Goldwater Style

WASHINGTON, February 28, 2015—As the winner of the past three Conservative Political Action Committee’s (CPAC) Straw Polls, Senator Rand Paul excels at generating meaningful political and economic discussions among college students and young professionals. The same generation that is known for speaking in bewildering acronyms continues to gather in force to ask and to answer difficult questions that are essential to the life and liberty of all Americans. Their answers will ultimately determine the future of the nation.

The Senator’s most recent economic stand will endear him to anyone who has ever interfaced with the Internal Revenue Service. He promised to introduce the largest tax cut in American history. In his speech to attendees of CPAC, he mentioned that he is poised to propose a tax plan “that would get the IRS out of our lives.” He indicated his intention to cut taxes “for everyone from the richest to the poorest.”

“It’s time for a new way predicated on opportunity and freedom!” said Paul to a wildly supportive crowd. The Senator attacked America’s indiscriminate foreign aid policies, especially the large sums of money sent without the permission of taxpayers to countries that consider The United States an enemy. “Not one penny more to these haters of America!” said Paul.

His speech had the tenor of a well-run, focused campaign and was eerily similar to comments made by Senator Barry Goldwater exactly 50 years ago on the campaign trail leading up to his landmark GOP presidential nomination. “You cannot stop a man who has vowed to bury you by handing him a shovel,” said Goldwater, “By feeding and clothing his friends, while denying your friends the means to help protect you!” Goldwater believed that removing foreign aid would ultimately prevent wars.

Several members of the Young Jewish Conservatives attending CPAC this year specifically mentioned the foreign aid issue as a driving force behind their support for Rand Paul for president. Paul’s straight talk appeals to countless concerned Americans who are fed up with politics as usual, feel betrayed by the Party Machine, and fear that the United States is on an irreversible course similar to that of the Titanic—or Greece.

Two weeks prior to CPAC, the Students for Liberty (SFL) held its national conference in Washington, D.C. More than 1,700 students from across the world attended. The group was largely inspired by the ideas presented to them by Senator Paul’s father, Congressman Ron Paul. Now it is the fastest-growing political group on college campuses globally, and is surpassing both the College Democrats and College Republicans groups on American campuses.

Young Americans for Liberty (YAL) is another group inspired by the Paul family’s articulation of limited government principles. Many YAL members were active in the GOP for years before they understood the liberty message, realized how well it resonates, and committed to passionately fight to preserve it. The large presence of both SFL and YAL at CPAC is telling, and has seemingly eliminated the establishment hostilities doled out to them by fellow attendees when they were the minority at previous conferences. The young libertarians gladly swap testimonies of political enlightenment with a fervor nostalgic of a tent revival meeting. They are also getting elected to offices across the land, a clear sign that they are not going away anytime soon.

Freedom is popular, it seems, and the Bill of Rights is back en vogue with a new generation of American rebels. This energy threatens to change the go-along-to-get-along, aging Republican establishment, which is why the party profiteers are so quick to strike back at the resurgence of old school conservatism.

The same Rockefeller Republicans who sandbagged Goldwater after he won the GOP nomination from the floor are currently working financial and legal channels on behalf of Jeb Bush. The 2016 Republican nomination is seemingly fixed for the top fundraiser and his delegate-donors, a complete violation of the nominating process. Sources say Jeb Bush bussed hundreds of people to CPAC from their Washington offices just to fill seats during his speech and to presumably raise his standing in the straw poll. This effort did not succeed in preventing him from being handily booed every time his name was mentioned, including while he addressed the attendees who remained after a protest/walkout. His temporary seat-filling strategy was met with disdain by attendees who saved and spent their own money to attend the duration of the event and cast their ballots.

One of Paul’s leading critics is fellow Senator and former GOP nominee John McCain, a man who praises Goldwater with his lips while shunning everything he stood for by his actions.  Just two years ago, the 80-year-old McCain called Senators Paul and Cruz, as well as Congressman Justin Amash, “wacko birds.” He called their supporters, the Under 40 crowd that supports Paul’s limited government principles, “impressionable libertarian kids.”

Yet, the vibrant, liberty-leaning younger crowd that has wrestled its way into the GOP is the only fresh blood coursing through the Party’s very old veins. Perhaps the current Republican Party leadership is not the right body from which to expect kind words of “big tent” gratitude. The crowds who now stand with Rand don’t seem to care. Their vision is clear, and they know they will eventually outlive the generation that got the country into this mess in the first place. They seem to be ready to get to work.

VIDEO: Former NSA Director Heckled for Calling Himself a “Libertarian”

Gen. Michael Hayden, former Director of the National Security Agency, was called out on Friday by audience members, after he called himself a “libertarian” at the 2015 Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC).

Hayden attended the conference for a debate with Judge Andrew Napolitano, the Senior Judicial Analyst for Fox News. Hayden’s comments followed comments by Napolitano saying that the audience should be “outraged” by the NSA’s massive surveillance program.

In reply, Hayden said, “If NSA were even capable of doing what the judge has just outlined for you, we wouldn’t be having a debate here today. There would be nothing to argue about.

Hayden continued, “Let’s talk about reality. Let’s talk about factsThe judge is an unrelenting libertarian.”

Hayden’s comment about Napolitano was met with applause and cheers from the crowd.

So am I,” Hayden said. “I’m an unrelenting libertarian who’s also responsible for four decades of his life for another important part of that document, the part that says ‘provide for the common defense.’”

The tone of the audience quickly changed, following Hayden’s second comment, and members booed, and shouted out,”No, you’re not!